Getting Rid of Prop 8 (7/14/2009)

Dear Marriage Allies:
We are writing as partners in the fight for LGBT equality because
we believe that too much of the conversation about getting rid of Proposition 8
is focusing on the wrong question.
As you probably know, the ACLU has been involved in the fight on
virtually every important civil rights initiative at least since Proposition 14
in 1964. We fought against the death penalty, "three strikes," and the
initiatives aimed at getting rid of affirmative action and data on race. We
fought Prop.6, the gay school workers initiative in 1978, the two "La Rouche"
AIDS initiatives in the mid 80s, and the Dannemeyer "AIDS Quarantine" initiative
in 1988. We fought the anti-choice initiatives on the ballot in the last three
elections. We fought Prop. 22 in 2000, and, of course, we fought Proposition 8.
The ACLU has also worked hard to pass initiatives that have strengthened our
rights. For example, we helped write and ultimately pass the initiative that
added an explicit right to privacy to the California Constitution.
Those initiative campaigns convince us that rather than asking
what year we should go back to the ballot to repeal Proposition 8, we should be
focusing on where we need to be with the voters to stand a solid chance of
winning. We should, we believe, go to the ballot when we’ve established the
predicates we need to win, and not a moment later or sooner.
We think that we haven’t established the predicates we need for
winning yet. If we were to enter a campaign in either 2010 or 2012 with the
people of California where they are now on marriage for same-sex couples, we’d
have a tougher time winning than we did in 2008. As the work of David Binder and
the Field and Public Policy Institute polls show, at the start of the election
campaign in 2008, a significant percentage of voters were conflicted about
marriage, and could potentially have gone either way. But most of those people
made up their minds on Election Day. Only a very small portion of the electorate
can be called undecided today. Not enough to swing us the election even if we
persuaded all of them, which is unlikely.
That means that to win at any election in the foreseeable future,
we are going to have to convince people who voted against marriage to change
their votes. As you know, convincing people who have made up their minds to
change them is far more difficult than persuading undecided voters to side with
you. And it is far more difficult to persuade people to do that during the heat
of an election campaign. To have a serious shot at winning, we need to go into
any election with a majority of voters on our side, so that our task is to keep
a winning majority through the campaign, not to create one as we go along.

To create a majority for marriage, LGBT people and our closest
allies are first going to have to talk to close friends and family about their
lives and their relationships, and why this fight matters. Even if those people
are already on our side, we need to talk to them to convince them to join the
fight and to act as ambassadors to their close friends and family.
To create a majority for marriage, LGBT people and our closest
allies are also going to have to engage in a dialogue with the conflicted voters
we lost in 2008. These people need to be persuaded. Most of them won’t be if we
talk about hate and bigotry. These folks voted against us, and people rarely
change their mind in response to an attack. We need to convince them that our
relationships deserve the respect and dignity of marriage. That’s a conversation
that needs to be based on the truth of how we live, not abstract principles.
At the same time that we engage with friends and family and
conflicted voters and bring it to a scale that it can affect the electorate, we
shouldn’t focus on convincing voters who are committed against us. They are the
toughest to persuade, and we don’t need them.
Equality California, the Courage Campaign, Marriage Equality USA
and others have made smart beginnings on both conversations with close friends
and family and with conflicted voters. But it is far too early to see if these efforts as currently constituted will change enough minds to get
us to a majority, much less to do so by some fixed date. That goal—majority
support—should be the first prerequisite before we decide to mount any campaign.
Moreover, to hold a majority for marriage in an election campaign,
we would have to have the commitment of the community to support a massive
one-to-one engagement campaign. We need to have a thought-through plan to pay
the cost of running a good statewide campaign, buy-in from those who will have
to help us raise the money, and the demonstrated commitment of the community to
pay for it. That means we need to set benchmarks for community engagement and
benchmarks for fundraising from significant donors and the grass roots before we
commit to a campaign. We think we—everyone who will commit to play a significant
role in the campaign—need to set these benchmarks together.

Once we decide to go back to the ballot, we’ll need to have a
sophisticated plan for community engagement, field, mail, media,
endorsements—all the elements of a successful statewide initiative campaign.
We’ll also need a structure to run a campaign like that. That structure needs to
facilitate broad participation, while providing for disciplined management.
Let’s get the LGBT people of California and our allies focused on
establishing the predicates we need to win before we decide when to go back to
the ballot. Together, let’s define and set out to achieve those predicates for
success.
We are proud to be a partner in this movement.
Matt Coles Director, ACLU LGBT Project
Kevin Keenan, Executive Director, ACLU of San Diego & Imperial Counties
Ramona Ripston Executive Director, ACLU of Southern California
Abdi Soltani Executive Director, ACLU of Northern California
|